Examples
Here are a few examples of creative and rigorous projects submitted by students who have taken this course before. Copyrights reserved by respective authors, posted with permission.
Other Options: Brainstorm
Below is my scratch pad for other project ideas. Don't be intimidated by all this stuff -- this is optional reading, designed to get you thinking creatively. You may also want to take a peek at this.
- "The connections have always been there..." After reading the lecture notes on urban community, what should we make of this? Narrate the conversation if Ferdinand, Emile, Louis, Ed Soja, and Barbara Phillips got together and talked about this: “The connections have always been there, with Facebook and social media. But this has been a shared experience by everyone on campus.”
--Michael Macagnone, editor in chief of The Pitt News, on the sense of community amidst a long threat of bombings on the campus of the University of Pittsburgh in early 2012.
What might be the ethical implications when authorities begin to use facial recognition technologies -- and they will -- as part of their investigations? Mitchell Gray was a student in our Urban Studies Program several years ago, so his thinking inevitably shapes how I see these things. See
Your mission: help us figure out what has changed. What, if anything, is new with the acceleration of social networking technologies -- and social practices -- over the past decade? There have been advances, too, in gathering information through and about these evolving social networks. See, for example,
Should we be optimistic or fearful for cities? For community? For society? Which ones?
- Re:Connect. Interesting in planning? Do you have a few graphic design skills? Sketch out a design for re-use of Vancouver's Georgia Street Viaduct -- or the entire "Eastern Core" section east of the downtown zone. Offer up a sketch, and write out an interpretation/explanation that connects your proposal to relevant urban theories. Use Phillips as a starting point for urban theories and policy debates, and consult these resources to get started on alternative possibilities.
- Occupied Urbanism. I just returned from a conference at Georgetown Law School in Washington, DC. I managed to catch just a bit of the "Occupy DC" mobilization that has been gaining momentum, along with similar efforts in dozens of other cities, that began with a small protest called "Occupy Wall Street." Here's a small sample of images of the DC event. These fast-moving events need your brilliance and creativity as urbanists. What does this movement tell us about social-science debates -- and that distinction we learned between struggles in the city and struggles of the city? Might the Occupy movement achieve a blurring of these distinctions? It began, after all, in the urban icon of Western capitalism -- Wall Street -- but it has very quickly broadened to a wide range of coalitions, interests, and priorities. The movement seems to be using cities as a launch-pads for broader critical questions about economy, politics, and democracy.
If you're interested in this topic for a project, then I'd recommend three steps. First, crack open Barbara Phillips' City Lights textbook, and page through the table of contents. Second, drink from whatever electronic firehose of news and information you regularly drink from; below is a small sample of links to get you started. Third, explore the connections. What do these events tell us about urban theory, urban history, or urban politics? And what might urban theory contribute to these events?
Here's a small sample of questions that occur to me. First, what potential is there for 2011 to become 1968? (See Watts, 2001). Second, if 1968 is not the right historical comparison, how about 1848? (See Phillips, 2009, Chapter 11). Third, how have conservative responses to Occupy Wall Street reflected and reinforced what Phillips (2009, pp. 348-349) diagnoses as the "Dream Up, Blame Down" ethos of American views on social class? Fourth, how do you interpret the current events in light of Phillips' (2009, pp. 507-510) cautious assessment that electronic communications and social-media organizing have changed the rules of the game for urban political power: "Perhaps .... But the evidence is not yet in." (Phillips, 2009, p. 509). Phillips cites evidence that these tools seem to change how people participate, but have little effect on who participates. Can you find any evidence to confirm or refute this hypothesis?
Another random thought: organizers mobilized to produce and distribute a newspaper -- playfully titled "The Occupied Wall Street Journal" -- to outline the movement's demands and keep people up to date on fast-breaking events; this makes me think that this movement is a valuable opportunity for a media analysis project. Consider such questions as: as the protests have spread from a very small event in New York's financial district to more than fifty cities (so far), how has media coverage responded? Are there any notable differences in how the events are covered and interpreted in small-town newspapers, versus the large daily-circulation papers in the big cities? (To answer this kind of question, of course, you'd have to screen out the stories that are distributed to multiple papers -- the Associated Press, Reuters, Angence France-Press, and the other wire services; or else you could use the fact that a small-town paper chose to reprint a wire-service story as evidence -- while not making the mistake of thinking that an AP story in Butte, Montana was actually written by a local reporter).
"We can see that for a long time we allowed our political engagement also to be outsourced. We want it back. We are not communists. If communism means the system which collapsed in 1990, remember that today those communists are the most efficient ruthless capitalists. In China today we have capitalism which is even more dynamic than your American capitalism but doesn’t need democracy. Which means when you criticize capitalism, don’t allow yourselves to be blackmailed that you are against democracy. The marriage between democracy and capitalism is over."
- Megamachines. In the spring of 1962, Lewis Mumford was invited to deliver a series of lectures at the City College of New York. Some of the main themes of his talks that spring eventually wound up forming the basis for "The Myth of the Machine: Technics and Human Development," published several years later. Mumford's central argument was that our twentieth-century obsession with science and technology had led us to misinterpret human history -- especially urban history. The machines of the industrial revolution that transformed the world between 1750 and 1850 may have been important, Mumford agreed; but they were nothing compared to the giant mega-machines that built the first large cities of the ancient world. The reason why we had forgotten about the ancient megamachine was simple: it was comprised of individual human bodies, thousands upon thousands of them, ordered by kings and generals to work together as a giant, sophisticated machine. Once the workers died, the machine was invisible.
These days, every time I see an advertisement for "Megastructures" on the Discovery Channel, every time I see an account of the latest giant urban construction project in Vancouver or New York or Beijing or Dubai, I think of Mumford's way of studying the relations between urban society and urban technology. Here's an idea for a project: Read one chapter of Mumford's book, considering the way he interprets machines, technologies, and the use of political power. Then use Mumford's approach to analyze an urban "megaproject" you find interesting. The latest interesting example I've come across is Masdar, in the United Arab Emirates. What parallels might we find between the migrant workers of the U.A.E. and Mumford's description of the "taskmasters and soldiers," both essential for the megamachine? How have the imperatives of kings and military generals been replaced by the orders given by international investors and capital markets -- or might some kinds and generals still be important?
Lewis Mumford (1966). The Myth of the Machine: Technics and Human Development. New York: Harcourt, Brace, & World. Excerpt, pp. 188-211. On reserve at the GIC, Geography Building Room 112.
- The Rahmbo Machine. The all-time classic case of the "city political machine" was Tammany Hall, in New York City in the late nineteenth century. Then the paradigmatic case became Chicago, especially under the leadership of Richard J. Daley, from the mid-1950s until his death in office in 1976. If that name sounds familiar, it's because his son -- Richard M. Daley -- eventually won Da Mayor's office, and finally surpassed his father's record-setting twenty-one years in office before announcing in September 2010 that he would not run for re-election.
Daley's announcement immediately prompted widespread speculation that Rahm Emanuel might make a run for the Mayor's office. Emanuel served as an aide to U.S. President Bill Clinton, and then represented a Chicago district in the U.S. Congress while leading an ultimately successful campaign to strengthen Democrats' majority power. Then he served as Chief of Staff for the first two years of Barack Obama's Presidential Administration. There are scores of stories about Emanuel that are, shall we say, quite vivid and colorful. He's a hard-charging political strategist who is, um, not shy. One of the more widely-cited stories is that he has a plaque in his office, given to him by another politician who was always impressed by his strategic and frequent use of profanity; the plague listed Emanuel's name, with the title, "Assistant Deputy Secretary of Go Fuck Yourself." Others see a resemblance to Sylvester Stallone's character in the film Rambo, and thus "Rahmbo" is widely discussed in the corridors of power in Washington, DC.
Emanuel announced, on October 1, 2010, his intention to leave the White House and run for the office of Mayor of Chicago. City Mayoral offices are usually used as stepping stones to higher office: it's rare for someone to be heavily involved in national politics and then decide to make a play for a place in City Hall. Chicago is one of those big cities where the Mayor's office might indeed be a step "up" compared to many Federal political positions. Rahm won the election in February, 2011.
Your mission, should you choose to accept it, is to answer this question: What does Rahm Emanuel's race for the Mayor's office in Chicago tell us about the contemporary city political machine? Study the Chicago Mayoral campaign of the fall of 2010 in advance of the February election, and consider this: what does the candidate field -- including Rahm Emanuel, Danny Davis, and Luis Guitierrez along with many other contenders -- tell us about the survival and evolution of machine politics? Or, study the first few months of Rahm's majoral administration, to see who he put in place, and analyze the similarities and contrasts with the text and lecture perspectives on city political machines.
Here is just one tiny thing to get you started on Rahm, and then don't forget the citations in the city political machines lecture.
- Louis Wirth on FaceBook. Louis Wirth's "Urbanism as a Way of Life" is a classic that inspired and shaped generations of students fascinated with how cities changed human relations and people's experience of daily life. Read Wirth's classic article slowly, and carefully. Then read the profile of Mark Zuckerberg, and write a paper that addresses the following question: if Wirth were alive today, and he decided to sit down and rewrite his article to analyze the implications of social networking technologies like FaceBook, Google Plus, and all those other new sites, what would he write?
If you choose this project, avoid the temptation to write all the details you know and love about how facebook works. Put your effort into thinking about the underlying meaning of the social relations made possible by all those little details. How would Wirth regard the consequences for peoples' experience of contemporary urban life?
"He first read the Aeneid while he was studying Latin in high school, and he recounted the story of Aeneas's quest and his desire to build a city that, he said, quoting the text in English, "knows no boundaries in time and greatness." (Vargas, 2010, p. 64).
- "What a Disaster: No one will Destroy Our Cities!" Mike Davis is one of the most insightful and procovative urban thinkers of the past generation. Several years ago, he include a delightful chapter in his book, Ecology of Fear, that reviewed and sythensized dozens of books that featured the destruction of the city he knew best: Los Angeles. The chapter, "The Literary Destruction of Los Angeles," is interesting in its own right, but it's also an extraordinary model of how to stack up a bunch of books on your desk and look through them closely enough to classify them into distinct genres. There's a lot of interest in this topic, particularly when attention shifts from books to cinema. Most humorously, a Globe and Mail commentary expresses dejection and annoyance that Canada's big cities haven't (yet?) been destroyed in film. "The fact that Canada hasn't been attacked on film has an implicit, dispiriting message," Thomas Rogers (2011, p. 1) writes: "The rest of the world just doesn't care about us, or about that giant antenna we built in downtown Toronto."
You have three missions: 1) read Mike Davis's chapter, 2) choose a city, and 3) review the ways the city is portrayed in "disaster" stories -- either in novels, or in films. You don't need to review as many books as Davis, but your review should discuss at least four or five books or screenplays.
Mike Davis (1998). "The Literary Destruction of Los Angeles." In Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the Imagination of Disaster. New York: Metropolitan Books.
Thomas Rogers (2011). "What a Disaster! No One Will Destroy Our Cities." Globe and Mail, August 23, R1, R2.